It has been more than a year since the GNU assumed power. Though it has looked shaky on several occasions, it’s managed to overcome challenges.
From an economic point of view, the GNU’s first major challenge was the approval of the budget. The first attempt did not make it to parliament; the second was rejected. Only the third budget attempt by the minister of finance was approved.
Luckily, we have short memories and this crisis the GNU had to navigate is mostly forgotten. However, more challenges will have to be faced in the months ahead.
One of these will be discord between the ANC and some parties in the GNU about the national dialogue. Unfortunately, the national dialogue has deteriorated into an ANC pet project, rather than an initiative aimed at nation-building driven by all parties in the GNU.
Another challenge will be the local government elections towards the end of next year or early in 2027. Parties in the GNU will oppose one another in their campaigns. Debating in the public space one day and sitting around a cabinet table the next day will really test the strength of the GNU and the commitment of parties to stay in it.
The prospect of more parties joining the GNU is also problematic. It is obvious that the ANC wants this to dilute the influence of the DA.
More parties in the GNU will cost South African taxpayers. At a minimum, these parties will demand appointments as deputy ministers, with taxpayers carrying the cost of their salaries and benefits such as housing, security, office staff and vehicles.
It is not immediately obvious what deputy ministers do. For one, they cannot deputise for ministers. When ministers travel outside South Africa or are temporarily absent, another cabinet colleague must stand in for them.
Nevertheless, South Africa has 43 deputy ministers, even before more parties join the GNU. It is doubtful that anybody in South Africa can name all 43 deputy ministers and their portfolios. Together with the 32 ministers, they make up 47% of the ANC’s MPs.
As the GNU consists of parties that support the sovereignty of the constitution, it is a case of TINA: There Is No Alternative.
However, it remains a concern that the GNU has not tabled any plans to improve economic growth and eradicate unemployment. These remain South Africa’s biggest challenges.
In the GNU the ANC monopolised foreign affairs and made a mess of it. When judging the ANC’s foreign policy, it is only necessary to remember US tariffs on South African exports, working to the detriment of domestic economic growth and job creation. At the same time, it seems that infighting in the ANC has reached a level where the appointment of an ambassador to the US is problematic.
To judge the performance of the GNU on aspects other than the failures of the ANC, it is necessary to take a broader view. One success that is often forgotten is improved oversight of the executive. Standing and select committees in parliament have this oversight function, which was seriously neglected when the ANC had a parliamentary majority.
Previously, ministers often ignored sittings of parliamentary committees and did not attend scheduled meetings. There were no consequences.
This has changed since the GNU took power. Some of the committees are chaired by members of parties other than the ANC. The committee proceedings are no longer dominated by the ANC, as it does not have a parliamentary majority.
In short, many of the committees have improved their important oversight role, which is one of the cornerstones of a constitutional democracy.
The best example is the case of the former minister of higher education & training, Nobuhle Nkabane.
Nkabane tried to mislead a parliamentary committee about the process followed for board appointments at the sector education & training authorities, and failed to attend a scheduled follow-up meeting. Her behaviour had consequences.
With increasing pressure from the parliamentary committees and from within the GNU, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s only option was to dismiss Nkabane as a minister. This was previously unheard of.
Improved parliamentary oversight is the main accomplishment of the GNU, though it is not often visible. Maintaining this oversight is sufficient reason for parties such as the DA to stay in the GNU, despite unhappiness with some of the decisions and with the ANC and Ramaphosa. It is indeed a case of TINA in the best interests of all South Africans, and ministers should get used to proper parliamentary oversight.
Jannie Rossouw is an honorary professor at Wits Business School and an economist at Altitude Wealth
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