Jabulani Khumalo, the man who registered the MK Party with the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) in September 2023, says he was fired from the organisation by Jacob Zuma with just one word: “Ngiyakuxosha! [I am firing you!]”
Khumalo’s sin was that his comrades had noticed he was driving a new car. There was speculation about where the money came from. Without due process, he was accused of taking bribes from the ANC, with ANC president Cyril Ramaphosa and even the fired health minister, Zweli Mkhize, mentioned as his benefactors. The allegation was that in return he was feeding the ANC information on Zuma and the MK Party.
As is always the case with Zuma, no evidence was produced. Khumalo has taken his dismissal to court and claims his resignation letter as party leader was forged by Zuma’s daughter.
In the meantime, Zuma continues to make other baseless claims: that there were attempts to poison him or kill him in other ways (this is a decades-long allegation yet, miraculously, the assassins always fail); that there is a conspiracy to convict him; and lately that the May 29 election was rigged to prevent him from getting a two-thirds majority. As usual, no evidence has been brought to back up these ridiculous claims.
Where did the MK Party get the millions of rand needed to run a hard, sophisticated election campaign that overshadowed those of many established players?
The one issue that Zuma is not addressing is that of his own finances. Where did the MK Party get the millions of rand needed to run a hard, sophisticated election campaign that overshadowed those of many established players? This question has been asked in the corridors of Luthuli House and by numerous other political players, including John Steenhuisen of the DA, Songezo Zibi of Rise Mzansi, Mmusi Maimane of Build One South Africa and Herman Mashaba of ActionSA.
Though he conceded he had no proof, Steenhuisen claimed to the Financial Times: “I’m certain that money has flown into their accounts from Russia ... This is not some mom-and-pop organisation. I definitely think there is Russian money.”
Any upstanding political leader would be concerned about such chatter about their party, but there has not been a word from Zuma. What we know is that his supporters claim that there is a strong bond between Zuma and Russian President Vladimir Putin, but that no cash has passed between the two men.
Where is the truth, and will it ever be revealed? The IEC says it needs a formal complaint before it can investigate.
Which brings me to Zuma’s nemesis, Ramaphosa, our president and a man who is perhaps not long for the comforts of the Union Buildings. In his newsletter this week, he pleaded for the country to continue with his reform agenda, saying: “While we have come a long way in the reform journey, there is much work to be done to reignite growth in our economy. Regardless of the form or composition of the incoming administration, it is important the momentum of reform be retained and sustained.”
Despite his lethargic pace, Ramaphosa started some necessary reform initiatives. Say what you will about the man, there is no doubt that since 2018 he has said all the right things about reform, renewal and strengthening the key institutions of democracy and accountability that were broken in the Zuma years — and this last is what we need to accelerate urgently.
Any return to some modicum of power by Zuma or his cronies will see the recapture and destruction of the National Prosecuting Authority, the Hawks, the Asset Forfeiture Unit, the South African Revenue Service, the IEC and others. No investigation of dodgy funding of politicians would be possible. This time the state capture will be fast and furious. Ultimately, the judiciary will be undermined and brought to its knees.
That is why the reform agenda must be strengthened, energised and accelerated. Independent institutions must work and be protected. Failure to do so will destroy our democracy and hand our country over to those who seek to install a mini-Putin in the Union Buildings.





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