As the state loosens its grip on the daily lives of its citizens and life begins returning to "normal", President Cyril Ramaphosa has a rare chance to evaluate his executive team and determine if it is fit for purpose — because the steepest part of the country’s Covid-19 journey is only just beginning.
This week, the FM collated the views of analysts to compile a report card of how the cabinet performed during Covid-19. The results were, as expected, depressing: on average, the ministers scored a low "D".
Only one minister — health minister Zweli Mkhize — scored a "B". Ramaphosa, finance minister Tito Mboweni and justice minister Ronald Lamola were the only leaders to score a "C". By contrast, three got the outright failing grade of an "F": transport minister Fikile Mbalula, communications minister Stella Ndabeni-Abrahams and defence minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula.
It’s an assessment which Ramaphosa will surely have done himself, given that his task of rebuilding the economy will be the true test of his mettle. To do so, he’ll have to navigate around the ideologues and economic illiterates in his own party and alliance, alongside a state bureaucracy with a chronic inability to adequately implement policy.
Ramaphosa’s first address to the nation ahead of the lockdown was a moment of sombre patriotism: SA had to be prepared to face a new, invisible enemy — one the world was still learning about.
At the time, and as his global counterparts dithered, he was hailed for his decisiveness in implementing one of the hardest lockdowns in the world. But that goodwill quickly evaporated as a result of the conduct of his cabinet. He was the captain of a ship, failed by his crew.
It is this crew that will now have to man the ship, as Ramaphosa turns towards the economic storm facing SA.
He’s already seeking consensus over the economic recovery plan, currently being discussed by social partners at the National Economic Development & Labour Council.
But, says University of Cape Town professor Anthony Butler, "I suspect Ramaphosa’s consensus-building and pacting approach is not going to bring sufficiently urgent and deep-rooted reform."
In part, this is because it’s going to be up to his ministers to implement reform — and many of them showed themselves wanting during the lockdown.
It started early: less than a month into the lockdown, pictures emerged of Ndabeni-Abrahams’s "lockdown lunch" at the home of a former deputy minister. But just last week Mapisa-Nqakula used state resources to usher an ANC delegation into Zimbabwe to meet with Zanu-PF — despite the borders being closed.
Consider also the contradictory messages, bizarre and unnecessary regulations, inconsistency in the application of the rules, and the blatant disregard shown by the political elite (defence force officials smoking on live television during a tobacco sales ban, and the crowd of comrades who turned out for ANC stalwart Andrew Mlangeni’s funeral despite a 50-person limit on gatherings).
Then there’s the police and military brutality that stained SA’s Covid-19 response.
‘Weak leadership laid bare’
It’s been a long, hard six months. But the conduct of Ramaphosa’s cabinet has, for the most part, not been entirely out of the ordinary. If anything, it’s largely characteristic of the ANC in recent years: arrogant and selfish, with a smattering of incompetence — and with few exceptions.
Looking back, Ramaphosa doesn’t seem to regret the lockdown itself, despite its harrowing effect on the economy. The economy was already on a "weak wicket", he told journalists last week in an engagement with the SA National Editors Forum.
"We had a hard lockdown. Those who did not experienced big infections — the UK, for example," Ramaphosa said. "They experienced more deaths than we did. We saved lives, many lives … if we did not go on lockdown, many more would have died."
Butler credits Ramaphosa with "act[ing] rapidly and decisively, when the key failing of many leaders around the world was to delay".
"He adopted a whole-of-government approach, delegating authority across the executive. Critics may complain with the benefit of hindsight that the lockdown was too heavy or too extended, matters about which we will have to wait for clear evidence in the months and years ahead," Butler says.
Ramaphosa also noted that he had received messages of support from South Africans across the board for his bold intervention. Indeed, opinion polls conducted a month and even two months into the lockdown indicated widespread support.
But the longer the lockdown lasted, the faster that support diminished.
What began as a moment of pride, a "united nation, responding to a common threat", as Ramaphosa said at the time, rapidly turned into a frustrated citizenry pitted against political leadership who could barely explain their strange decisions.
"It was almost inevitable that SA’s institutional fragility and weak leadership would be laid bare," says the Institute for Security Studies’ Judith February.
"Many ministers have not covered themselves in glory, and Ramaphosa himself appears less sure-footed than in March. The risk-adjusted strategy, or what has also been referred to as the ‘enhanced risk-adjusted strategy’, seems to be somewhat confused.
"It is as if those whom the ANC relies on for votes now hold the most sway; churches, for instance, were allowed to reopen even as we were told to continue staying home and not to visit family."
At the same time, there were ministers who shone, such as Mkhize, whom Butler describes as calm, organised, and clearly standing out. Others, in key ministries such as trade & industry, finance and transport, did less well.
DA interim leader John Steenhuisen agrees. While he welcomed Ramaphosa’s inclusive approach — the president had met opposition parties for buy-in at the outset — he says the good that Ramaphosa did was quickly undone by his cabinet.
Steenhuisen refers, for example, to regulations on the sale of cooked foods, open-toed shoes and undergarments, saying support quickly turned to anger against Ramaphosa’s administration.
The EFF, while initially supportive of the lockdown, grew frustrated as the measures were lifted.
Its leader, Julius Malema, has called for a review of all Covid-19-related data, amid concerns that the number of deaths and infections are much higher than the state has recorded. The EFF believes the government manipulated figures to give the impression that SA was winning the battle against Covid.
Ramaphosa last week expressed confidence in the data his administration relied on, even faced with the question of excess deaths reported by the Medical Research Council.
IFP chief whip Narend Singh points to Covid-linked corruption as the low point in the government’s handling of the pandemic.
Ramaphosa’s spokesperson Khusela Diko has taken a leave of absence pending the finalisation of a probe into personal protective equipment contracts allegedly obtained irregularly by her husband.
Freedom Front Plus leader Pieter Groenewald says Ramaphosa’s cabinet made "one mistake after the next" and, overall, there was no "credible communication" from the government, with different messages on the ban on tobacco and alcohol sales.
Ramaphosa allowed his ministers to run their departments without interference, but this exposed those who were incompetent
— What it means:
Exposing the weaknesses
The crisis, unprecedented in itself, revealed much about the workings of the government.
Butler says it exposed weaknesses in the cabinet system and in the presidency.
"The challenge was extreme and unprecedented and a kind of machinery did move into operation — but it was not clearly connected to producers of policy, relevant evidence and scientific advice," he says.
"This is a problem in many states, especially when contested science meets public policy challenges. Ramaphosa would do well to establish an interface between science and government in the presidency [for example, a chief scientific adviser’s office]."
This poor interface culminated in the rationale for certain actions or decisions not being clearly communicated, inside and outside the government
"This was primarily a communication failure and exposed a lack of policy communication expertise that could cope with economic, behavioural and scientific knowledge," says Butler.
He believes the handling of the crisis will probably have a negative effect on Ramaphosa’s legacy, due to SA’s economic decline. But he believes Ramaphosa’s political position — in both the ANC and the government — has been strengthened by it.
Susan Booysen, professor emeritus at Wits University and director of research at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, suggests it may be time for Ramaphosa to overhaul his cabinet. However, she says he’s hamstrung by a "fear of antagonising ANC factions" and being beholden "to dead wood who helped get him into power".
Amid the crisis, however, polls show that Ramaphosa’s popularity has remained relatively high.
Independent political and economic analyst JP Landman observes that Ramaphosa was elected by the ANC at its 2017 Nasrec conference by a margin of 52% to 48%.
"His position now is certainly much stronger than that. We can argue whether it sits at 80/20 or 70/30, but ... it is stronger than 52/48," Landman writes on his website.
He also notes that Ramaphosa remains more popular among the public than the party itself. "An opinion poll in February 2020 found that 62% of South Africans thought he was doing a good job, while 55% supported the ANC. No political party will dump a leader who will help them at the polls."
While his cabinet and state bureaucracy let him down, Ramaphosa, as the commander in chief, shoulders the ultimate responsibility for the conduct of his government.
As Prof Ivor Sarakinsky of the Wits School of Governance observes: "He attempted to lead his motley crew of ministers while allowing them to manage their departments without micro-interventions. This unintentionally exposed those who were unable to perform."
Analysts and opposition leaders alike rated Ramaphosa’s performance, and scored him a decidedly generous C, on average — a fair performance in handling an unprecedented health crisis.
The expert panel
For this story, the FM asked six analysts to rate the cabinet’s performance during the Covid-19 lockdown. The analysts are:
- Richard Calland, an associate professor in public law at the University of Cape Town and founding member of the Paternoster Group;
- Somadoda Fikeni, political analyst and Unisa professor;
- Ivor Sarakinsky, professor at the Wits School of Governance;
- Susan Booysen, professor emeritus at Wits University and director of research at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection;
- Ralph Mathekga, political analyst and author; and
- Judith February, from the Institute for Security Studies.
Cabinet ministers were given an average score based on the assessment of the analysts.
Scores are as follows:
- 5 = A (excellent)
- 4 = B (good)
- 3 = C (fair)
- 2 = D (needs improvement)
- 1 = E (poor)
- 0 = F (fail)
David Mabuza
Deputy president
Score: 0.5
David Mabuza was either absent or sick during the lockdown, with speculation that SA’s second-in-command has severe health problems. Analysts have largely been unable to rate his performance as a result.
Technically Mabuza, as deputy president, forms part of the presidency and is assigned roles and responsibilities by the president.
Butler, however, says he’s been "missing in action" during the lockdown.
"I do not think he is a serious prospect for the future," he says, referring to the possibility of Mabuza succeeding Cyril Ramaphosa as president.
Booysen adds to this, saying there is no room in SA for a deputy president who could "disappear off the radar, unexplained, whether there are sound health reasons for this or not".
She says: "Public, remunerated positions come with requirements of accountability."
Natasha Marrian
Zweli Mkhize
Minister of health
Score: 4
Medical doctor Zweli Mkhize has stepped up during the pandemic. He’s probably been the clearest in communicating the effects of Covid-19, and has kept the nation updated on the numbers and the overall health response. He’s crisscrossed SA, visiting provinces and hotspots to monitor the official response.
Mkhize received the highest score from FM’s panel of analysts.
Booysen says he acted with "reassuring calmness [and] dignity". She attributes the government’s relative medical success in handling the pandemic to him, and says this will boost his political career.
Calland echoes this, saying Mkhize generally had a "good war" and inspired confidence and trust, remaining calm under pressure.
Sarakinsky and Fikeni agree that Mkhize communicated clearly. "He was brutally honest and had a good grasp of the health and medical issues involved," Fikeni says.
But it hasn’t all been plain sailing. For example, the accuracy of the official Covid-19 numbers has been questioned, especially the death rate. Mkhize has also been criticised for not making public the scientific reports of the ministerial advisory committee on Covid-19 that helped guide the government’s response.
At first he refused to make the advisories public, because he said they didn’t represent government’s final position. Nonetheless, some leaked into the public domain. Then, late last month, Mkhize published the more than 70 advisories, including those dealing with controversial issues such as the load capacity for taxis.
Mkhize has also bumped heads with public sector health unions, which are threatening to strike because of a lack of personal protective equipment.
February says Mkhize erred in his "very delayed release" of the science behind some decisions. He has, however, been indefatigable, and has a deep understanding of what needs to be done to combat the pandemic.
"In a pandemic we do not ask our government to be perfect, but we do ask that they work as hard as they can, with integrity and for all our benefit. Mkhize has done so," February says.
Calland also highlights the issue about the advisories, saying it created uncertainty about both policy and the underlying evidentiary assumptions, as well as a sense that the government was being unduly secretive.
Mathekga, who is more cynical, says: "The best things the department came out with are social distancing rules and the wearing of masks. Other than that, the management of Covid-19 was a shambles."
Genevieve Quintal
Tito Mboweni
Minister of finance
Score: 3
Tito Mboweni seems to have been holed up in his home province of Limpopo for lockdown, where he has taken on the role of chief tour guide and promoter for the area.
He has also spent a lot of his time giving cooking lessons on Twitter, talking about his crusty old shoes and tweeting his dissatisfaction over the firing of the Zambian central bank governor Denny Kalyalya — a move that earned him a dressing-down from President Cyril Ramaphosa.
In the midst of the pandemic there were rumours that Mboweni was about to resign, but he put those to rest, tweeting: "We have work to do. So much to do: fix our economy!"
Mboweni’s main role during the pandemic has been reprioritising government budgets and ensuring SA gets much-needed funding from institutions such as the International Monetary Fund.
The panel of analysts rates his performance as fair — though he draws some criticism too.
Calland says Mboweni has managed to convey authority and competence at a time of enormous fragility, uncertainty and fiscal vulnerability.
"It speaks volumes [for] his track record and independent thinking that such a wide range of economic stakeholders continues to place trust in him, despite — or perhaps because of — the incompetence and dishonesty in his party," he says. "For those able to read the tea leaves and between the lines, his Twitter account has become an important source of intelligence as well as hope."
Sarakinsky, however, says Mboweni has been ambiguous about fiscal policy and the poor financial management of state spending on Covid-19. There has also been inadequate Treasury enforcement of supply chain management.
Booysen believes Mobweni’s "austerity budget was surreal in being out of touch, denialist and simply insufficient [for] the needs of the time".
Fikeni, on the other hand, says the minister has shown courage, strength and focus during the pandemic.
"He was prepared to walk a lonely journey as a financial steward," he says. But Fikeni adds that the aspiring chef’s love for Twitter has put his boss in a difficult position.
Genevieve Quintal
Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma
Minister of co-operative governance & traditional affairs
Score: 2.4
Nkosazana "When you Zol" Dlamini Zuma was the face of the government’s response to Covid-19. As the minister responsible under the Disaster Management Act, she had to flesh out the regulations that determined what South Africans could do, who they could see and what they could buy.
It was the prohibition of the sale of alcohol and tobacco products that put her squarely in the firing line of smokers, drinkers and those working in the value chain of those sectors.
She’s drawn mixed reviews from the FM’s panel of analysts.
Calland says Dlamini Zuma deserves credit for the serious-minded approach she has taken to the enormous responsibility that was thrust upon her.
"I would have given her an A but for the fact that her dogmatic, pig-headed approach to the tobacco industry got in the way, arguably, of rational decision-making," he says. "Though it should not be forgotten that she prevailed in court."
Fikeni says some of the antipathy towards her was unfair and displayed deep suspicions attributable to the 2017 ANC leadership contest, where she stood against Cyril Ramaphosa.
In Fikeni’s view, some in the media accused Dlamini Zuma of usurping the powers of the president or pushing her agenda. "Despite all these, she seems to have done well in her role even though the legacy weaknesses of municipalities were exposed by the pandemic," Fikeni says.
Sarakinsky says while Dlamini Zuma’s responsibilities were difficult, she made statements on policy that were only recommendations to the cabinet, while publicly questioning Ramaphosa on the sale of tobacco products as well.
Mathekga takes a very dim view of her performance, specifically citing the debacle around tobacco sales.
"She did a very bad job. The concern around the whole thing was a disaster and people lacked confidence in what her department was doing," he says.
Booysen adds that Dlamini Zuma abused the state of disaster to further her own ambition and ego.
"She sneaked in an antismoking agenda in the name of combating Covid — and built contrived court cases to try to justify it," she says.
Claudi Mailovich
Bheki Cele
Minister of police
Score: 1
Cele, SA’s gung-ho police minister, had the unenviable task of leading a department that had to not only keep disobedient South Africans in check but also act in such a way that the populace did not end up fearing the very people who were there to protect them.
The police have been critical players during the lockdown. It was up to them to ensure that no-one was buying alcohol or cigarettes and that at most 50 people could attend a funeral.
That’s not as simple it sounds: bootleggers serviced those desperate for a smoke and a drink — ensuring that the black market thrived — and mourners around the country flouted the rules.
It means Cele has to deal with the roughly 300,000 South Africans arrested for breaking the rules — people who will now have criminal records for actions that are ordinarily legal in SA.
Booysen says the usual sense of arrogance prevailed on the part of the fedora-wearing minister.
"The name Nathaniel Julies [a 16-year-old killed by police in Eldorado Park] will reflect ineptitude and disgrace, along with the defence force’s killing of Collins Khosa [who was drinking alcohol in his yard]," says Booysen. "[It’s] sad that in [a] time of need for caring, citizens did not have the ‘luxury’ of knowing security forces would be looking out for them."
In his evaluation, Sarakinsky points to the police’s inconsistent enforcement of the lockdown. He says they used force against citizens and drove a narrow law-and-order agenda.
For Calland, this was a "disaster area".
"Instead of leading the police service to enforce regulations through guidance and advice, [Cele] brought out an iron fist — thereby encouraging all the worst instincts of an inadequately trained and resourced police service," he says.
"The heavy-handed policing that resulted was anti-rights, lacked any sense of empathy or reason, and caused considerable and unnecessary harm."
For February, who believes "policing should happen with the consent of the citizenry", Cele’s approach "seems to waver between ham-handed and brute force".
Fikeni, however, offers a different view. He believes Cele has been one of the most effective and energetic ministers, handling a difficult portfolio very well during lockdown.
Claudi Mailovich
Ebrahim Patel
Minister of trade, industry & competition
Score: 2.75
Ebrahim Patel was the subject of much anger over nonsensical regulations prohibiting the sale of cooked food and items such as underwear and open-toed shoes during the lockdown. He also came under attack for his decision to put a halt to e-commerce during the hard lockdown because allowing it would be unfair to bricks-and-mortar retailers.
It was Patel who informed SA that the sale of tobacco would be banned, saying this was not an essential good. Coming two days before the country went into the hard lockdown, it caused panic buying.
Patel is unperturbed by the criticism. In an earlier interview with the FM, he pointed out: "Some of [the criticism] may be unfair, but if you have to choose between unfair criticism on the one hand and a cowed, scared population on the other hand, it’s a no-brainer that it’s better to live in a society in which people can express their views."
Mathekga says Patel deserves an "F" for his performance. "There was no element of considering the economy when he was gazetting these regulations. The banning of flip-flops did not make any sense. He screwed up big time," he says.
Calland has a different view, saying Patel worked tirelessly to find the balance between protecting lives and opening the economy incrementally to preserve livelihoods — an impossible task.
He says Patel’s responding affidavit in a high court challenge to the rationality of the regulations shows he consulted widely, listened and acted to deliver regulations that passed the legal rationality test.
"[He] is also working hard to see beyond the crisis, to help prepare for a ‘new normal’ and rebuild the economy," says Calland.
Fikeni says Patel started well with his interventions, but tripped up when he got overly prescriptive, and this backfired.
Genevieve Quintal
Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula
Minister of defence & military veterans
Score: 0.25
During the lockdown, the SA National Defence Force (SANDF) was deployed all over SA to help the police enforce lockdown regulations. But defence force members did the organisation no favours in the beginning by, for example, forcing citizens to do push-ups and frog jumps.
It was also members of the defence force who assaulted and caused the death of Collins Khosa, who had been drinking beer in his own yard. An internal report by the SANDF, labelled a sham, exonerated those implicated in the murder. It resulted in the Khosa family approaching the courts to ask for an order declaring basic rights, and ensuring guidelines be developed on how to treat citizens during this time.
It set the tone for a lockdown in which the abuse of power was feared from the very start.
February says Khosa’s death will be a stain on SA’s lockdown, calling it "shameful and brutal".
She says it is extraordinary that citizens’ rights needed to be affirmed in such a way in a constitutional democracy.
"President Cyril Ramaphosa was largely silent about these sorts of abuses. That has been both unhelpful and unfortunate. He should, as commander-in-chief, have reined in his ministers early on so that they desisted from the use of militaristic language which facilitates acts of brutality."
February says Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula failed to take responsibility from the start, instead standing by the soldiers in question. "There was something rather callous about the minister’s response."
In her evaluation, Booysen says it "was a failed opportunity for the defence force to serve its community".
Sarakinsky believes that despite the increase in military spend, the defence force made no clear contribution to health and infrastructure, while the behaviour of troops who used violence against citizens was "unacceptable".
Claudi Mailovich
Mmamoloko Kubayi-Ngubane
Minister of tourism
Score: 2.5
Mmamoloko Kubayi-Ngubane’s department deals with a sector that contributes almost 9% to SA’s GDP, and which has been one of the hardest hit during the lockdown — and will continue to feel the brunt as long as the country’s borders remain closed. So it seemed shocking that only R200m was set aside to help struggling businesses stay afloat.
The minister herself admitted that the relief did not go a long way. In June, she reported that of a little more than 7,000 valid applications for assistance, her department had only enough resources to assist 4,000 businesses.
Kubayi-Ngubane also came under fire for insisting on applying BEE rules to funding relief, which resulted in trade union Solidarity heading to court. The high court found in the minister’s favour and affirmed the department’s right to use BEE as a criterion in awarding relief.
Since the easing of restrictions to allow South Africans to travel for leisure, Kubayi-Ngubane has been on a drive to promote local tourism and get citizens to support businesses in the sector.
Fikeni says Kubayi-Ngubane is one of the young ministers "who did very well for their portfolios during this pandemic".
Sarakinsky disagrees, saying there has been inadequate engagement with the sector to build an appropriate response to tourism businesses and employment during and after the lockdown.
Genevieve Quintal
Ronald Lamola
Minister of justice & correctional services
Score: 3
As justice minister, Ronald Lamola has had to deal with some of the trickiest practical issues during the lockdown.
The first was how to ensure SA’s overcrowded prisons didn’t become Covid-19 hotspots. In addition to screening and testing measures, President Cyril Ramaphosa in May authorised selected categories of sentenced offenders to be placed on parole as a "measure to combat the spread of Covid-19 in correctional facilities, which are considered high-risk areas for infection".
The second issue for Lamola was how to ensure SA’s courts functioned during the lockdown.
This proved more difficult. Legal practitioners were left confused after Lamola issued regulations, chief justice Mogoeng Mogoeng issued directives, and directions for specific courts were placed in the hands of judges of those courts.
There was no coherence in the myriad rules, and some courts moved to online hearings while others opted against the use of technology.
But things seem to have settled down. Six months on, online hearings are much more common, with both the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court holding virtual hearings.
Fikeni believes Lamola did "very well": he remained cool and explained clearly what was happening in his department, which had the added responsibility of providing legal backup for managing the state of disaster.
As Sarakinsky points out, Lamola now also chairs the cabinet committee dealing with alleged corruption in Covid-19 procurement. It’s arguably one of his most important tasks, given how corruption has overshadowed every facet of SA’s lockdown response.
Fikeni says this means the president must trust Lamola — and given the ANC’s laborious consultation processes, it means other role-players must trust him too. He believes Lamola hasn’t come across as a "factional hawk" but as someone who is honest and authentic.
Claudi Mailovich
Khumbudzo Ntshavheni
Minister of small business development
Score: 1
Like her counterpart at tourism, Khumbudzo Ntshavheni has also come under fire for applying race-based criteria to Covid-19 relief funding.
When the lockdown took effect, Ntshavheni announced a debt relief funding scheme to assist SMMEs that were negatively affected by the shutdown.
The DA approached the high court to overturn the criteria attached to that funding, but lost after the court ruled that "race, gender, youth and disability" must be taken into account in the awarding of state relief to businesses stricken by the pandemic.
However, the court said the state’s criteria for evaluating these factors were "vague", and therefore unlawful and invalid, and so it referred the matter back to Ntshavheni for "reformulation".
The department received more than 35,800 applications for funding, and approved the allocation of more than R513m, allowing it to save more than 21,400 jobs. However, many small businesses closed because they could not access the scheme due to bureaucratic red tape, leading to huge job losses.
Organised businesses warned that helping out SMMEs during the pandemic was crucial, as about 70% of them together employed about 6-million people.
Sarakinsky says Ntshavheni failed to get funds to businesses expeditiously. "The closure of so many small businesses might have been moderated by decisive and timeous action," he says.
Fikeni says while Ntshavheni has made interventions on behalf of small businesses, she tripped up in relation to how funds would be used — especially when taking transformation and racial factors into account.
"She has been busy in her portfolio … though there seems to be no clear strategy for the sector in the face of Covid-19 affliction," he says.
Judging by the number of SMMEs that did not survive the lockdown, Mathekga believes Ntshavheni "didn’t really come through for small businesses".
He says: "They didn’t do well at all. Look at all the companies that closed down."
Luyolo Mkentane
Thulas Nxesi
Minister of employment & labour
Score: 2
Thulas Nxesi’s department was charged with ensuring that, through the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF), workers received much-needed relief when businesses were forced to close because of the lockdown.
This was part of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s R500bn economic and social relief package. However, the temporary employer/employee relief scheme (Ters) was hit by myriad problems, including backlogs and unauthorised payments, which left workers unable to access assistance.
The auditor-general has since uncovered fraud and irregularities in the system. Ters payments have been suspended while the issues are sorted out.
There were complaints from social partners in Nedlac, working with the government on Ters payments, that Nxesi’s department was moving too slowly and had snubbed offers of help to fix issues in the system.
Nxesi was out of action himself after contracting Covid-19. During his hospitalisation, public enterprises minister Pravin Gordhan acted in his stead.
By the time Nxesi returned to the office, the auditor-general was hard at work auditing the payments. In light of those findings, Nxesi suspended UIF commissioner Teboho Maruping and senior management, pending the outcome of an investigation.
Booysen says Nxesi’s action on the suspensions is commendable, but questioned why this could even happen in the first place, and under his watch as minister.
"Would it have happened, even been revealed, without the auditor-general’s report, and without the previous weekend’s ANC [national executive committee] statement [about corruption]?" she asks.
Fikeni also says Nxesi acted swiftly to suspend officials. But, he says, the unprecedented demand that the UIF and other compensation funds experienced exposed capacity challenges in the agencies and in Nxesi’s department.
Sarakinsky says Nxesi failed to get payments to citizens in need speedily and accurately.
Genevieve Quintal
Lindiwe Zulu
Minister of social development
Score: 1.3
Lindiwe Zulu’s department was tasked with ensuring relief for those most in need during the pandemic. As part of the government’s R500bn help package, money was set aside to top up social grants, for food parcels and for a R350 temporary Covid-19 relief grant.
However, disbursement of the temporary grant was delayed by system glitches and incidents of fraud, picked up by auditor-general Kimi Makwetu.
Makwetu found beneficiaries were paid who were not eligible for the relief — including government employees, those with other sources of income and people who were receiving other social grants, a government pension, Unemployment Insurance Fund payments or a National Student Financial Aid Scheme bursary.
No-one at the SA Social Security Agency (Sassa), which distributes grants, has so far been held accountable. Zulu reportedly told parliament she has no intention of asking the Sassa CEO to step aside. She pointed out that the agency had been attacked for delaying payments in the beginning, but that this was done to fix the system.
There were also issues around the paying of social grants that led to elderly and disabled people waiting in long queues. In one case a system glitch meant beneficiaries in KwaZulu-Natal did not receive their money, while those in the Western Cape were paid double.
Hunger during the lockdown was a huge issue. Yet there were reports of officials stealing food parcels meant for the poor.
"Theft of food parcels was the lowest of the low of Covid greed," Booysen says.
"Zulu’s department did disburse many millions of additional grants; simultaneously, its lapses probably left millions in the lurch."
She says the substantial sums the department had to dole out were indicative of the failures of the past 25 years.
Sarakinsky says delivery of social grants and the temporary R350 grant was poor, causing much suffering. He says the social effects of the lockdown might have been mitigated somewhat if the money had been disbursed effectively and efficiently.
Fikeni, however, says Zulu’s department didn’t do badly, but adds that her tendency to make light of everything is a problem.
Genevieve Quintal
Stella Ndabeni-Abrahams
Minister of communications, telecommunications & postal services
Score: 0
Rule-breaker Stella Ndabeni-Abrahams has probably been one of the worst-performing ministers during the pandemic.
She was placed on two months’ leave (one unpaid) and forced to make a public apology after she broke lockdown regulations by visiting the home of disgraced former deputy minister Mduduzi Manana and a picture of the event circulated on social media.
Ndabeni-Abrahams’s tenure as minister has been problematic, with allegations of interference at the state-owned entities in her portfolio, such as the SABC, post office and telecoms regulator Icasa, and ignoring parliament when it came to appointments. Her department has also not been able to get spectrum up and running, with Icasa delaying the issuing of new spectrum to March 2021.
During a meeting with the SA National Editors Forum last week, Ramaphosa noted his dissatisfaction at the pace of implementation.
Ndabeni-Abrahams was rated as a fail by the analysts.
Fikeni says she should have risen to the occasion when SA suddenly had to rely on internet platforms for virtually everything from e-learning and e-governance to e-commerce, but she was embroiled in too many controversies to attend to these crucial matters.
"The rolling out of broadband spectrum is one of the most crucial interventions needed," he says.
Sarakinsky says the minister set a bad example by socialising during lockdown, and Booysen says: "[There were] indications that she regarded herself as in a position of supremacy over parliament [and] over lockdown rules."
Genevieve Quintal
Fikile Mbalula
Minister of transport
Score: 0
Fikile Mbalula will be remembered for one thing during the lockdown: bending over backwards for SA’s powerful taxi operators.
It should have been expected that "Razzmatazz" would cave, after he held a ridiculously crowded meeting at a Joburg taxi rank mere weeks into lockdown, pleading with people to follow the regulations.
Mbalula also came under fire after gazetting regulations to allow minibus taxis to operate at 70% capacity, but then giving the go-ahead for 100% capacity after a meeting with taxi operators. He reverted to the original 70% after public outcry. Then, in July, taxis were allowed to operate at 100% capacity on short-distance trips, and 70% for long distance.
Booysen says the government’s weaknesses were on graphic display in the minister’s negotiations with the taxi industry. "The taxi bosses walked all over the minister [and the government]," she says.
Sarakinsky believes he was "outmanoeuvred and outplayed by the taxi industry", resulting in flip-flopping and strange policy decisions. He says Mbalula also failed to take advantage of the lockdown to refurbish damaged public rail infrastructure.
February says Mbalula did not cover himself in glory, adding that communication from his department was also haphazard and unclear.
For Mathekga, Mbalula’s dealings with the taxi industry were simply a disaster.
Luyolo Mkentane
Angie Motshekga
Minister of basic education
Score: 2
It was never going to be easy to open schools during a pandemic, with teachers, pupils and parents feeling the anxiety of returning to classrooms, even under strict health conditions.
But the department, under veteran minister Angie Motshekga, did itself no favours in how it dealt with this.
Unions, parents and teachers were left in the dark about the reopening of schools until the eleventh hour. Then, a number of schools weren’t ready — some were even waiting for the most basic amenities, such as water for children to wash their hands.
Weeks after most pupils returned in July, pressure from unions resulted in schools being closed again.
The closures had a huge impact on the academic year, which has now been pushed into 2021.
Sarakinsky points out that Motshekga had difficult issues to resolve in a time before reliable data on the seriousness of Covid-19 for children and teens was available.
Booysen similarly says Motshekga was caught "between the devil and the deep blue sea".
At the same time, she says the pandemic highlighted many of the problems in basic education, which have gone unaddressed in the 11 years Motshekga has been in charge.
"The repercussions of these accumulated failures, which came to a head amid the pandemic, will be felt for many years to come," says Booysen.
Claudi Mailovich
Lindiwe Sisulu
Minister of human settlements, water & sanitation
Score: 2.3
Lindiwe Sisulu has had a critical role to play during the pandemic: her department has had to help curb the spread of the coronavirus by ensuring sufficient water supply to distressed communities across SA to allow for preventive measures such as hand-washing.
Fikeni says Sisulu started well, with swift deliveries of water tanks and drilling of boreholes. But challenges emerged in the process.
"[Sisulu] had done more marketing and communication than actual intervention on the ground in some instances," he says.
The department also planned on dedensification of informal settlements, in which social distancing can be a challenge. Booysen, however, says the plan was out of touch with both the scale of the problem of high-density living and the extent to which rehoming people would find traction.
There have also been issues around alleged corruption. In May, Sisulu said advocate Terry Motau would lead a team of lawyers to probe corruption and irregular expenditure related to her department.
The Daily Maverick reported that her announcement was preceded by allegations that her advisers tried to use their positions to influence deals. That same month, City Press also raised concerns about possible corruption in Sisulu’s department.
Booysen believes the alleged Covid-related corruption to emerge from those close to Sisulu may have "helped set a template for the looting spree that followed".
Claudi Mailovich
Blade Nzimande
Minister of higher education, science & technology
Score: 2.3
During the level 4 lockdown, Blade Nzimande allowed final-year medical students to return to campus for their clinical training. He also promised laptops to students on the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, to allow for remote learning.
Under level 3, he permitted a maximum of 33% of students to return, and 66% to return under level 2.
While the SACP general secretary put in place plans, such as remote learning systems, to allow academic activities to resume in line with a risk-adjusted approach, Mathekga says there was "no clear informed response from him".
Sarakinsky and Booysen, however, disagree, saying he was clear on policy for higher-education institutions.
Furthermore, Booysen says, Nzimande played a role in getting data to students, and working with universities to ensure the curriculum continued.
"None of this has been perfect, but overall the universities have kept going," she says. "I would rate him as [having done] moderately well, given that."
Luyolo Mkentane
Naledi Pandor
Minister of international relations & co-operation
Score: 2.3
With the Covid-19 lockdown shutting SA’s borders and ports of entry into the country, Naledi Pandor and her department were responsible — along with embattled airline SAA — for helping South Africans stranded around the world to get home.
The government stepped in to assist citizens in distress, including those stranded at airports, students who were asked to evacuate their places of residence as countries implemented their own lockdowns, the elderly and those who needed medical attention. Later, the government began to receive requests from other South Africans, who had lost their jobs or had simply run out of money to sustain themselves abroad.
In May Pandor said over 5,000 SA citizens had been repatriated.
There were reports of issues around the repatriation system, with some stranded travellers battling to get onto flights, and of overbooked trips. However, the minister said the process had not been easy, given the various restrictions in place across the world, and it involved negotiations with multiple stakeholders.
Though Mathekga says Pandor did little during the pandemic except repatriate a few people, Booysen believes the scaled-down list of things she could actually do means she didn’t fare too badly.
In Fikeni’s view, she has been "measured, focused and clear about what she had to do".
Sarakinsky, however, says Pandor attempted to shape Covid-19 as an African rather than an SA issue and could have done more to lever foreign aid and support.
Genevieve Quintal
Thoko Didiza
Minister of agriculture, land reform & rural development
Score: 2.3
The agricultural sector escaped some of the strictest Covid-19 lockdown regulations because it is regarded as an essential service, providing food to the nation. Exports and imports of critical agricultural commodities were allowed, to ensure food security.
A R1.2bn relief package was set aside for small-scale farmers, but this was criticised by those in need as offering too little.
Didiza announced the relief package in April to help those with a yearly turnover of R20,000-R1m stay afloat. She also set aside R100m through the Land Bank to help commercial farmers service their debts.
Mathekga says he didn’t see anything "untoward" with how Didiza handled things during the lockdown. But he acknowledges that the department "wasn’t too much on the scene with the Covid-19 response. It was quite distant from the thick of things."
Luyolo Mkentane
Nathi Mthethwa
Minister of sports, arts & culture
Score: 2
Nathi Mthethwa has been responsible for ensuring the entertainment and sport sectors were given relief during the pandemic, which put a stop to live sporting events, concerts, festivals and theatre productions.
The minister allocated R65.7m in a first wave of funding, but his good intentions seemed to have been stifled by red tape: intended beneficiaries complained about the stringent application process, while some said the money was small change for them.
The minister recently announced that R77m had been allocated for a second phase of funding, with those who qualify getting R2,200 a month for three months.
Mathekga says: "Our actors and freelancers were left in the cold during the lockdown — they couldn’t perform at all."
February believes Mthethwa has displayed lethargy in dealing with the issues that the pandemic laid bare in both sports and the arts. Furthermore, "despite Covid-19 relief, many artists have been left without money and livelihoods", she says.
Luyolo Mkentane
Patricia de Lille
Minister of public works & infrastructure
Score: 1
Covid-19 did nothing to build Patricia de Lille’s image as a corruption-buster.
While her department was tasked with the important job of setting up infrastructure such as field hospitals, and identifying quarantine sites, corruption has overshadowed everything else.
A storm is brewing around the construction of the Beitbridge border fence, which opposition MPs have called a R37m "washing line". In a situation similar to a fiasco when De Lille was mayor of Cape Town — in which she allegedly sent an SMS to a councillor to indicate a preferred candidate for a project — the National Treasury has reportedly hinted that she had a preferred supplier or contractor in mind for the Beitbridge project.
The saga is now being probed by the Special Investigating Unit, and 14 senior officials in her department face disciplinary charges over alleged acts of fraud and misconduct.
February says the debacle has overshadowed much else of what De Lille has been doing. "Most reporting has centred on this controversy," she says. "It has also allowed the DA the opportunity to take the point against De Lille, given the acrimonious parting she had from the party and also her position as executive mayor of Cape Town."
Fikeni says it is because De Lille built herself up as a corruption-buster that she has to suffer when corruption crops up in her own portfolio.
Mathekga says: "Where was she looking when she paid almost R40m for a fence? There is massive impropriety at the public works & infrastructure department, so I’ll give an E."
Luyolo Mkentane
Gwede Mantashe
Minister of mineral resources & energy
Score: 2.3
Gwede Mantashe has the unfortunate title of being the first cabinet minister to test positive for Covid-19.
Mining, a critical economic sector, was one of the first to reopen. But the Association of Mineworkers & Construction Union had to make a court application to get Mantashe to release regulations that mines had to adhere to on reopening.
February says the question "Where is Gwede?" has been on everyone’s lips, given the frequent power cuts in SA.
She adds that Mantashe did meet with the mining industry before the lockdown, while also being receptive to independent power producers. And, she says, he acted swiftly to reopen the mining industry, which was a welcome move, given the livelihoods at stake.
"Mantashe might not always be the easiest politician to deal with, but he has a deep understanding of the industry," she says.
Fikeni says Mantashe has done "medium to well", while Booysen thinks he was "simply too slow out of the blocks to fill the energy-generation gap".
Luyolo Mkentane
Out of the spotlight
Aaron Motsoaledi, minister of home affairs
Aaron Motsoaledi worked with the department of international relations & co-operation to ensure South Africans overseas would be allowed to return home despite the closed borders.F
He published regulations in May permitting essential travel for South Africans who wanted to return to countries where they are based. He said they would be allowed to leave SA if it was for the purposes of work, study, family reunions, permanent residency or medical attention.
Senzo Mchunu, minister of public service & administration
Public servants such as nurses, doctors and teachers have been at the heart of SA’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic. But while the lockdown has played itself out, Senzo Mchunu has been battling public sector unions on wage increases. These were supposed to be paid on April 1 under a three-year wage agreement, but the increases were canned due to budget cuts.
Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, minister in the presidency for women
Maite Nkoana-Mashabane has, strangely, been less vocal than other ministers and President Cyril Ramaphosa on the scourge of gender-based violence — one of the biggest non-Covid issues of the lockdown.
Ayanda Dlodlo, minister of state security
Given the cloak-and-dagger nature of intelligence in SA, it’s not clear what has been going on in Ayanda Dlodlo’s department during the lockdown. But the minister must have had her fair share of work, given the presence of Islamic State in Mozambique, and the violence and breakdown of democracy in Zimbabwe.
Pravin Gordhan, minister of public enterprises
Pravin Gordhan’s time during the pandemic has been spent trying to rescue the embattled SAA. He has been criticised for pushing for a new airline to emerge from the business rescue process, at a time when the airline industry has been brought to its knees.
Barbara Creecy, minister of the environment, forestry & fisheries
In July, as part of the move to level 3 of the lockdown, Barbara Creecy permitted hunters to sleep over at their hunting destinations, within the provinces they lived in.
The minister has noted that the ban on interprovincial travel helped to drastically reduce rhino poaching in the first six months of 2020: 166 rhinos were killed for their horns, against 316 in the first six months of 2019.
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