When Nelson Chamisa, the leader of Zimbabwe’s Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), announced his resignation late last month, it made headlines the world over. He had, after all, founded the opposition party just two years ago, and gone on to win 44% of the vote in last year’s presidential election.
But if Chamisa’s resignation caught supporters overseas by surprise, it was long expected back home.
“I wasn’t shocked at all when Chamisa announced his resignation,” Harare-based CCC supporter Grant Wafawanaka tells the FM.
That’s because in the months leading up to Chamisa’s move, Sengezo Tshabangu, a man purporting to be the CCC secretary-general, recalled MPs and councillors, tearing the opposition party apart.
Under Zimbabwean law, MPs can lose their seats if their party sends a recall letter to the president of the Senate or the speaker of the National Assembly. In October, Tshabangu issued recall letters for 15 CCC MPs, following that with a further 13 letters in November.
And yet, despite the CCC having disowned Tshabangu, National Assembly speaker Jacob Mudenda allowed the action.
The courts followed suit. When the party sought an interdict to stop Tshabangu from representing the CCC, the courts — long considered bent towards the will of the governing Zanu-PF — reaffirmed Tshabangu’s position in the party and ruled in favour of his recall of the MPs.
And so President Emmerson Mnangagwa duly proclaimed a by-election on December 8.
It’s left the CCC with 78 seats, against the 103 it won in the August election.
It is a matter of serious concern that state institutions such as parliament and the judiciary became complicit in the destruction of the opposition
— Rashweat Mukundu
Political analyst Rashweat Mukundu is deeply frustrated by the situation — and scathing about the way it has played out.
“I think the key point [about] the resignation of Chamisa is the undemocratic nature and lopsidedness of state structures, especially parliament and the judiciary,” Mukundu tells the FM. “It’s not so much of a concern that [members of] the opposition had these disputes and misunderstandings among themselves, but it is a matter of serious concern that state institutions such as parliament and the judiciary became complicit in the destruction of the opposition.”
For Mukundu, Chamisa’s resignation is an indictment of the “undemocratic space” that has arisen in Zimbabwe. It’s a “serious threat to the rule of law”, with repercussions that affect Zimbabwe’s international standing.
At least part of the problem can be laid at the feet of the CCC itself. The party has previously been criticised for its lack of organisational structure, with little by way of official positions other than that of Chamisa.
“The inconsistency and lack of clarity about CCC roles is something that has brought CCC to its knees,” says the Elections Resource Centre’s Takunda Tsunga.
For Mukundu, there’s a more sinister hand at work: Zanu-PF has since 1980 infiltrated its rivals to hollow them out, he says.
“Infiltration is a risk the opposition has to consider in its formation and structures,” he says. “There is no way a party like Zanu-PF will fold its hands and let the opposition function without attempts at disruption, as we have seen in the past and continue to see now with the CCC.”
Still, Mukundu adds, there’s no doubt the opposition could have done better to mitigate the machinations of Zanu-PF and the state to disrupt its operations. In his view, the CCC’s undoing was its failure to realise that “for the opposition to survive, it cannot stand on the basis of one person”. Instead, a successful party requires multiple levels of leadership, so that “if one level is destabilised, [the] organisation is still able to move on”.
By way of example, he refers to the Movement for Democratic Change under its late leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. Its success was underscored by sound leadership and a core team that ensured victory despite apparent infiltration by the ruling party.
“The CCC would have had every opportunity to achieve the same success and victory as Tsvangirai if its leadership had been multilayered and remained cohesive,” Mukundu says.
“It is a sad development in Zimbabwe’s politics, because the presence of Chamisa helped keep the governing party on its toes and able to respond to the developmental needs of the Zimbabwean people”.
There are fresh things we need to do … Giving up or giving in is not an option. Nothing comes without tenacity and resilience
— Nelson Chamisa
Where does this leave Zimbabwe’s opposition? Political commentator Lovemore Makwara says that while Chamisa is a strong political brand, the confusion within the opposition ranks could be costly.
“I think there is a risk that the electorate is going to lose faith in leaders,” he says. “I think it’s going to cause voter apathy in the long term. If they don’t all leave the CCC, it speaks of division at the top. It could be tricky politically for Chamisa.”
Already, influential figure Tendai Biti has declared himself vice-president of the party — after earlier indicating his willingness to resign. On the other hand, Fadzayi Mahere, Takudzwa Ngadziore, Prosper Mutseyami, Prince Dubeko Sibanda and Paul Markham have resigned as MPs in solidarity with Chamisa.
All is not lost. In the event of a by-election, Makwara believes, CCC candidates running on Tshabangu’s ticket will lose to Chamisa supporters. “Chamisa still has [huge] support and will win against a Tshabangu CCC in the event of by-elections in free and fair [conditions],” he says.
And most Zimbabweans who voted for Chamisa won’t vote for Zanu-PF, says Mukundu.
As he tells it, the poor state of the economy plays against Zanu-PF and makes Zimbabwe ripe for opposition party takeover — if such a party can maintain its cohesion in the face of Zanu-PF intimidation and “political games”, and focus on the goal of democratisation.
Other analysts see the possibility of another party being established, given Chamisa’s continued popularity. Diehard opposition supporters such as Wafawanaka say they will throw their weight behind Chamisa, should he form a new party. “I will support Chamisa because I know his resignation is because of infiltration by Zanu-PF. If it was not for that, I know he would have remained in the CCC,” he says.
There’s already a buzz of rumours on social media of a new “blue” party (the CCC’s official colour is yellow). But some fear that an alternative party that’s formed too quickly could meet the same fate as the CCC. “I think [Chamisa] has to be cautious about when he launches a new party. I think if he does it hastily, it can be hijacked by Zanu-PF,” CCC supporter Charles Tafirenyika tells the FM.
Chamisa does seem to be considering launching another party. “There are fresh things we need to do,” he wrote on social media platform X. “Let’s all work together for total freedom, true change and holistic transformation for our beloved country. Giving up or giving in is not an option. Nothing comes without tenacity and resilience.”
As far as Zanu-PF is concerned, Chamisa’s resignation offers the opportunity to further disempower Mnangagwa’s rival.
In criticising Chamisa’s departure, Zanu-PF spokesperson Chris Mutsvangwa has raised concern over financial matters within the organisation, insinuating some kind of impropriety on Chamisa’s part.
“The courts in this country stand for everyone without partiality. No-one stops the court from ruling,” Mutsvangwa told reporters at a press conference, implying the opposition leader would face legal scrutiny for how he conducted his affairs as the leader of the CCC. Chamisa has not commented on the threat.
For Brighton Mutebuka, a UK-based lawyer and human rights campaigner, Zanu-PF’s interest in the internal politics of the opposition is disconcerting.
He says: “The unseemly threats of arrest against Chamisa that [Mutsvangwa] made can only betray the obsession of Zanu-PF and the regime with destroying Chamisa, the extent to which state institutions have been captured, the desperation to create a one-party state and the extensive choreography that goes on behind the scenes to orchestrate crude political and legal events which are presented as genuine and organic.”
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